In Davis, California, demonstrators sat down on Southern Pacific tracks; still more did the same on the Penn Central commuter line in New Brunswick, New Jersey. Because the groups acted autonomously, with no central command, the discovery or destruction of one would not obliterate the underground altogether.24, The phrase and structure entered the American New Left around 1967, when the movement's most radical activists were beginning to reject nonviolence and were shifting, as the saying of the time went, "from protest to resistance." On the Iberian Anarchist Federation and its grupos de afinidad, see George Woodcock, Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (Cleveland: World Publishing, 1962), pp. Mayday Tactical Manual, p. 3; Gandhi is quoted in Harris Wofford Jr., "Non-Violence and the Law: The Law Needs Help," in Civil Disobedience: Theory and Practice, ed. "Drive a while for freedom," read one leaflet. Everyone was responsible. It was going to Washington." My emphasis on the continuity between the New Left and women's liberation owes much to Alice Echols, "We Gotta Get Out of This Place: Notes Toward a Remapping of the Sixties," Socialist Review 92/2 (April-June 1992). "47, But all the planning and organization counted for little in the face of the government's sweep arrests. The Yippies, however, were more interested in gestures for their own sake-like throwing dollar bills onto the floor of the New York Stock Exchange, as an arch commentary on capitalist greed-than in targeted actions with concrete goals. Activists from these groups challenged the rest of the Tribe to examine and overcome their own internal chauvinisms; many participants were left feeling defensive and attacked. Packed literally like sardines in a can . "They couldn't infiltrate it, because we were all sleeping with each other," recalls John Scagliotti, "And we were doing a tremendous amount of illegal things, that they could have gotten us all for." The now-defunct SDS certainly came in for special scorn, along with the "movement heavies"-influential or hardline radical men-who so often represented the group to the media. The women's liberation analysis of the linkages between personal and political concerns resonated with the experiences of the gay radicals, many if not most of whom were newly out of the closet. "35, The GLF-like the GAA, a primarily gay male organization, with few lesbian members-also saw itself as both inspired and shaped by radical feminism. [10] The ACLU pursued a class action suit on behalf of thousands of detained protesters and ultimately the federal courts, recognizing the illegal nature of the arrests, ordered the government to pay a settlement to those arrested, making them some of the only citizens in US history to receive financial compensation for violation of the constitutional rights of free assembly and due process. I’ve found some great news clippings from the Center for Southwest Research and Special Collections and have a number of leads about more archive material including cinefilm. intervals . "1, Opinions vary as to whether the action was successful. The quotations are from Tom Wells, The War Within: America's Battle over Vietnam (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1994), p. 512. The antidote to mass society, the pamphlet declared, was a decentralized movement based on small, self-organized collectives.20. "There's a lot of men and straight women around here who really come down on the gay women when they realize that we're gay," one lesbian activist declared, in footage of the event captured by the Videofreex. Washington," undated leaflet, Hedemann collection; also see Robin Reisig, "Gandhi with a Raised Fist," The Village Voice (13 May 1971). 51. Since the Stonewall rebellion of June 1969-when patrons of a Greenwich Village gay and transvestite bar fought back against police during an attempted raid, an act of proud defiance that sparked the gay liberation movement-gay radicals had worked to play a visible role in the movement against the Vietnam War. "The current system denies us our basic humanity in much the same way as it is denied to blacks, women and other oppressed minorities; and the grounds are just as irrational. The lack of formal organization, however, tended to undermine the ideal of decentralization, as a result of what one radical feminist famously called "the tyranny of structurelessness. Interview with Jerry Coffin, Troy N. Y., February 8, 2000. "No one seemed to think the conference was functioning to resolve any political problems or effectively to plan any future actions," one attendee reported.

"-expressing the desire to be part of the often homophobic New Left, a desire that partly motivated Gay Mayday. These began on Monday morning, May 3rd, and ended on May 5th. 36.

30. If it's your first time on the site, or you're looking for something specific, it can be difficult to know where to start. )52, A number of the women and gay participants, however, were energized by the gathering. 45. At one point, so many soldiers and Marines were being moved into the area from bases along the East Coast that troop transports were landing at the rate of one every three minutes at Andrews Air Force Base in suburban Maryland, about 15 miles east of the White House. Most of the planned blockades held only briefly, if at all, because most of the protesters were arrested before they got into position: thanks to the detailed tactical manual, the government knew exactly where protesters would be deployed. 9. Affinity groups are small assemblages of roughly five to fifteen people who take part in an action jointly, planning their participation collectively. As Scagliotti puts it, "[Mayday was] the end of that sort of male radical leadership, the Rennie Davises, the Chicago 7, all those guys, the whole world of the counterculture mixed with radical street politics. "For a number of us, gay and straight, the women's part of the conference was getting to know one another through dancing, swimming, making music together, singing, rapping in small groups, in twos and threes, digging on each other," one woman wrote in Atlanta's underground paper. ("Gays dominate Mayday meeting in Atlanta," the left-wing paper The Guardian disapprovingly headlined its postconference report. Throughout this country, vast segments of the black communities are beginning to recognize the need to assert their own definitions, to reclaim their history, their culture; to create their own sense of community and togetherness. Its signature contribution to radical activism was the assertion that the personal is political, a proposition that was electrifying in its day.